Everything you need to know about European politics, history, and culture in 11 minutes.

🗞️ Pikachu joins the protests


Good morning,

It's over. Serbian president Vučić resigned, and his Turkish counterpart Erdoğan called for early elections. Both crumbled under the pressure of the protests: they were destined to fail after Pikachu joined.

Yes, this is an April Fools' joke. Don't blame me. I was forced to include one by the men above. But it's not all made up.

A Pikachu-dressed protestor did go viral in Türkiye, and was referenced everywhere at the latest mass gathering that, according to the opposition, attracted 2.2 million people in Istanbul last Saturday.

Every week, the many protest movements of Europe create new symbols and break more records. All of that is impressive, but what's next? How can these mass movements actually enable change? Today, we explain how to win a protest, in just four steps.

Editor's note
Hazar Deniz Eker
 

Serbia, Georgia, Türkiye, everywhere

How to win a protest

Here, there, protests everywhere. It seems as though at every corner, people are on the streets fighting for change. And yet, governments aren't toppled in a day, a week, or even a year. So what's next? If you're looking to spark change, here's how to win protests.

Hazar Deniz Eker and Nevena Vračar

Step 1: reach out

Your movement cannot just exist for young students in large cities. The Serbian, Georgian, and Turkish governments have strong support bases in rural communities. Faced with pro-government channels and less access to social media, they are alienated from Gen Z-led movements.

So reach out beyond the city. "Disperse, diffuse, decenter" is the key advice Yusuf Can, the coordinator of the Middle East Program at the Wilson Center, gave us on protests.

Serbian students took that advice literally. Igor Jovanović, a student from Belgrade, walked over 350 kilometres through Serbia. "We passed through small, forgotten villages where elderly locals greeted us with home-made food and tears in their eyes. There was so much honest emotion in the mutual understanding that, if we can make such a sacrifice, they have no excuse not to join us."

The walks showed locals that they, too, belong to the solidarity of the movement and inspired them to protest locally. Demonstrations have now been held in more than 400 cities, towns, and villages.

Or take Türkiye, where media consumption changes. Pro-government channels didn't even broadcast the gathering of 2.2 million people (according to the opposition) last Saturday, and independent outlets were even banned from TV broadcasts.

It didn't matter. Banned outlets livestreamed the protests online, topping the ratings and outdoing pro-government coverage. This is a larger trend, as independent online media grows in popularity, such as 'street reporters', who hand people a microphone and an online audience to voice their concerns all across the country.

Step 2: express yourself!

Whether it's running away from police in a Pikachu costume or hiking 250 kilometres through the Serbian countryside, creativity grabs attention, and even inspires others internationally. Turkish students told us that they felt moved by images of Georgians protesting, and in a nod to their fellow Turks, Pikachu's showed up at protests in Serbia and Georgia.

When done right, creativity can help break down complex issues for a large audience. Students in Niš lead by example: dozens of them formed a giant queue at the unemployment office, only to one by one ask whether they could apply for jobs even if they were not SNS (ruling party) members. Their creative disruption made national headlines and sparked debate around the high youth unemployment and unequal access to work for SNS members in Serbia.

These creative methods don't just spread a message but forge emotional bonds within the movement. An art collective in Belgrade already hosted two protest-themed exhibitions showcasing the whirlwind of hope and uncertainty captured by student art in recent months, allowing Serbians to mourn the victims in Novi Sad. Now, rumour has it that a protest art museum is in the works, cementing the memory of the protests in history.

Step 3: change things now

For a movement to truly flourish, it has to move beyond mass gatherings and use that energy for political action.

Serbian students organise assemblies during the protests, democratically deciding on demands and protest methods. "They gained leverage through their longevity and scale. Now they encourage regular citizens to do the same," Strahinja Subotić, senior researcher at the European Policy Centre in Belgrade, told The European Correspondent.

Spread all across the country, citizens' assemblies host debates. These go beyond the protests: they discuss everyday struggles of communities, breathe life back into local politics and keep a check on government power. "This process is not only shown to make for more effective decision-making, but is also better aligned with the interests of the people it affects," policy analyst Tara Tepavac shared with us.

Around 40 assemblies lit up the streets in Novi Sad alone last weekend, while others declared Serbian president Aleksander Vučić a persona non grata, symbolically banishing him from their cities.

Meanwhile, local assemblies are a well-established practice in Türkiye. As the government restricts women's rights, the We Stop Femicides Platform established women's assemblies in all 81 Turkish provinces. "We both talk about discrimination against women, but also about other disenfranchised groups," Esin Uysal of the Platform told us.

These women's assemblies have been successful. Women in conservative parts of the country attend them regularly, receive legal support, and say that they feel more informed about their rights.

Step 4: Keep the momentum

Reaching far into the country, inspiring the world with creativity, and organising locally are all key to turning a movement into long-lasting change. 

And yet: we don't want to sugar coat the process. It's not easy. Governments have cracked down on the protests violently. While students defy the response, it's important to remember that where governments fail, citizens can take up the responsibility.


Italy ・ Déjà vu

Italy's lesson for the EU that nobody wants to hear

The European Commission's newest migration proposal isn't exactly new: so-called "return hubs" in countries outside the EU are supposed to host migrants whose asylum requests have been denied.

Sound familiar? Because it is. Italy has already attempted this plan with 'outsourcing' migration: up to 3,000 migrants arriving via the Mediterranean route would be put into centres in Albania.

Just a few months later, Italy's plan became a total failure. Among many humanitarian issues, the centres go against EU migration law: the European Court of Justice repeatedly ruled against the plan, as migrants have a right to apply for asylum in the EU country they enter.

Now empty and at times even unstaffed, the EU's 'return hubs' would use the centres in Albania to host rejected asylum seekers – essentially rebranding the failed Italian migration plan into the EU's 'newest' migration strategy.

Türkiye ・ Opinion

Why the EU enables Türkiye's autocracy

Europe pulled out the big guns. In response to tear gas, rubber bullets, beatings, and over 1,900 arrested protestors, journalists, academics, and students, the EU did what it does best: it issued a statement. "Türkiye must uphold democratic values." Two weeks into the largest protest movement in Turkish history since the Gezi Park protests of 2013, we haven't heard more than that.

The EU's muted response reveals just how dependent the Union is on Türkiye and how the European 'bastion of democracy' chooses to ignore the much-cited EU values when it doesn't fit the current agenda.

But why? Türkiye has the largest refugee population in the world. More than four million registered (mostly Syrian) refugees are in the country, with millions more unregistered. To decrease migrant arrivals consistently, the EU has paid Türkiye more than €9 billion since 2016 to reduce migration to the Union at all costs.

Turkish president Recep Tayyip Erdoğan knows how to use this as leverage. He repeatedly threatened to "open the gates", i.e. increasing migration to the EU, whenever he faced criticism for his actions. Allowing a president whose autocratic governance increasingly mirrors that of Russian president Vladimir Putin to blackmail an entire continent isn't a good look.

Besides migration, the EU needs Türkiye for defence. After the increasingly protectionist and Putin-friendly Americans, Türkiye boasts the second-largest army in NATO. The alliance's Secretary-General Mark Rutte recently urged EU leaders to improve ties with Türkiye to support Ukraine and other defence matters.

Europe visualised

The wolf is back

Europe’s five big carnivores - brown bears, wolves, lynxes, wolverines, and golden jackals are reclaiming lost ground. After decades of habitat loss and decline, they are now returning thanks to conservation efforts and legal protections. However, their comeback has led to increased conflicts with humans, as incidents involving livestock and rare attacks stir concern.

Datavisualisation of The wolf is back

Created by Sebastian Gräff.

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Serbia ・ Teachers on strike

Solidarity bridges the pay gap

Two-thirds of all teachers in Serbia are on strike, supporting the protesting students. Around 20,000 of them were subsequently left partially or fully unpaid. Now, in a compelling display of cross-worker solidarity, Serbia's self-organised IT community raised over 61.8 million dinars (around €528,100) to cover their salaries.

The Alek Kavčić Foundation, which raises money for science and education efforts, followed suit, distributing over 73 million dinars (€623,800) to support educators. Together, these efforts have ensured around 6,000 payouts so far.

Montenegro ・ Green transition

How (not) to green the Western Balkans

From Sarajevo to Skopje, the Western Balkans generally rely on fossil fuels for their electricity. But this could blow up in their faces, as the EU introduces green customs duties next year.

Concretely, it's about a wordy EU instrument called the Carbon Border Adjustment Mechanism (CBAM). This CBAM aims to prevent so-called carbon leakage – companies moving production to countries with weaker environmental rules to avoid EU regulations.

Starting in 2026, CBAM will require producers of cement, iron, steel, aluminium, fertilisers, electricity, and hydrogen from outside the EU to buy CBAM certificates to cover their CO₂ emissions if they haven't been taxed in their origin countries. This incentivises both countries to introduce carbon taxes and companies to become greener.

For the Western Balkans, where between 60% and 95% of the electricity production depends on coal, this could become quite costly. Analysts predict that exports to the EU could become more expensive, and revenues in the WB could drop and even affect public finances, as many energy-exporting companies are state-owned.

Music recommendation from Bosnia and Herzegovina

Every day, our correspondents recommend one song to you. Today, Alessandro Cinciripini chose this one. We hope you enjoy!


Mjesto Za Dvoje

Letu štuke

"Mjesto Za Dvoje" literally means "Place for Two" and is the most iconic track by Sarajevo's rock band Letu Štuke. The song tells a sweet love story -one that takes your breath away and fills the air with the sweetest scent.

Listen on YoutubeListen on Spotify

〉Recommend a song for our next edition


Today also marks the 60th anniversary of the invention of "Smellovision"! It's tough to imagine a time before we could pick up smells through our televisions, and I can only envy those lucky people who got to pick up the first televised scents of coffee beans and onions all those years ago. 

Let us know what you smelled as you read this newsletter, and consider supporting our work with a donation if it was pleasant.

Hazar Deniz Eker
Leading Editor
for Southern Europe

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This newsletter was edited by Hazar Deniz Eker, the language editor was Hannah Salih, the visuals were created by Hazar Deniz Eker, and the executive producer was Julius E. O. Fintelmann.
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