Good morning, Living in Türkiye gets you used to many bewildering political developments that you forget just how wild they really are. This week, we're covering two of them. The first is how the country's long-time president maintains his close grip on power by arresting elected mayors on bogus claims. The second is about how the ever-restricting alcohol rules caused an alcohol poisoning crisis, which left dozens dead over the weekend. Meanwhile, Donald Trump returned to office yesterday on the other side of the Atlantic. If you're similarly upset about it as I am, we have something for you: for every lie he tells in his first week in office, I'm donating €1 to our future fund. That'll help us grow into the go-to media outlet for Europeans who care about where our continent is headed – and who want to read about Europe, not just the US. Join 250+ readers who have already pledged here. Editor's noteJulius E. O. Fintelmann
Türkiye ・ Politics Erdoğan replaces elected mayors to maintain his grip on power Yakup Can Yargic Last spring, Turkish president Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, for the first time, lost in local elections. In them, the opposition won in most municipalities and now controls all major cities and governs 70% of the population. That was much to the dismay of Erdoğan's government, which started removing elected mayors from their offices. But let's start from the beginning. After losing the local elections, Erdoğan needed to buy time to maintain power. First, he attempted to normalise relations with the long-ignored opposition, shaking hands and meeting some of their demands, while the opposition believed this would serve their interests. Erdoğan secured the time he needed. While a minimum wage hike disappointed citizens, he lowered inflation from catastrophic to dire. And on the foreign policy front, he could present the ousting of Bashar al-Assad in Syria as a victory that renewed voters' confidence in him. After playing nice for a year, Erdoğan's administration has now moved decisively against the voters' will. They've appointed trustees – so-called kayyım which replaced elected mayors – to several municipalities, starting with the pro-Kurdish party's strongholds in Anatolia. The official justification, as usual, is "connections to terrorist organisations," but the actual legal basis for these decisions is weak at best. Until recently, the government didn't dare to do the same in Istanbul. That changed after a trustee replaced the pro-Kurdish opposition mayor in Esenyurt, Türkiye's largest district and home to Istanbul's biggest Kurdish community. The mayor was arrested on terrorism charges – again without evidence or credible legal grounds. They didn't stop there. A week ago, the government arrested the elected district mayor of Beşiktaş, a traditionally leftist part of Istanbul (the city, due to its huge population, is governed by different directly elected district mayors). While they justified the arrest because of alleged dealings with a businessperson, the judiciary hasn't acted on the same individual's commercial ties to institutions affiliated with the ruling party. This has further reinforced the widespread belief that the judiciary operates with a political agenda. Despite the rallies organised by the opposition party and the public outrage expressed both on the streets and across social media, both mayors remain in custody. Perspective from IstanbulThe AKP government no longer feels bound by legal justifications or evidence. Terms and "buzzwords" such as "affiliation," "connection," and "propaganda" are weaponised, ambiguous incidents from years ago are instrumentalised, secret witnesses are presented as evidence, and police power is used to its fullest. The ruling party's offensive has two aims. Firstly, it wants to sideline the potential presidential candidate and Istanbul's widely popular mayor, Ekrem İmamoğlu. Secondly, removing mayors hinders the opposition in its work, making them easier to attack. But by doing so, the government now targets the principles of free elections and the right to stand for election.
What colours does Europe look like? Based on satellite imagery, we identified each country's average colour. Southern Europe is remarkably more arid and hot, while Scandinavia's huge green forests make it seem more lush. Created by Sebastian Gräff.
Thousands march to protest shutdown of Spain's largest nuclear plantWhat happens when governments shut down nuclear power plants? In Spain it's usually protests. Welcome to Extremadura, one of the country's most rural regions, where 7,000 people took to the streets on Sunday to challenge the shutdown of the Almaraz nuclear plant, the largest in the country. Almaraz's two pressurized water reactors (PWR) generate 7% of Spain's energy and are directly responsible for employing more than 3,000 people in Extremadura, a region where industry is minimal and job opportunities are scarce. The government refers to Almaraz's decommissioning as the first in a series of efforts to end nuclear by 2035. They say energy providers are no longer willing to incur the plant's maintenance costs and explain that constructing a battery factory will keep jobs in the area. But locals are not buying into it. | Carlos Caselles
Unlike in Germany, where decommissioning efforts often raised concerns about energy security and the climate crisis, nuclear worries in Spain center mostly around depopulation. All five of our active nuclear plants are located in rural towns of less than 2,000 inhabitants, who unanimously see their removal as an existential threat. |
What a new series about Mussolini teaches us about Italy's memory cultureBenito Mussolini's spectre still hangs over Italy and often dominates the public debate. Most recently, the TV series M – The Son of the Century, based on the novel by Antonio Scurati, brought the politicised topic back to the public sphere. The actor playing the dictator, Luca Marinelli, spoke at length about how painful it was to play Italy's dictator and father of fascism. Rightwing pundits criticised his comments as an exaggeration and called him "a crybaby who took advantage of Mussolini to gain more fame and money," a criticism the author Scurati also faced when his prize-winning book was first published in 2018. This debate shows how Italy has become even more susceptible to open nostalgia in recent years, helped by the rise to power of far-right parties like the governing Brothers of Italy (FdI). Several FdI politicians were caught making fascist salutes or showing fascist memorabilia at home, including Italy's Senate president. Public gatherings in commemoration of the regime still take place despite public outcry and criticism of the police's inactivity. Meanwhile, two out of three Italians between 16 and 25 agreed Mussolini's regime was "a dictatorship to condemn in part but which also brought benefits" in a 2021 IPSOS survey. | Giacomo Fracassi
The TV series, directed by British director Joe Wright, shows a pop portrait of the dictator, seeking to warn about the dangers of fascism. It's more than necessary in Italy, where right-wing governments, including the current one, are unwilling to unequivocally condemn the regime. So far, institutional attempts to oppose this slow drift have failed. In 2017, a proposal to strengthen punishment against public display of support for fascism didn't pass, and current laws on the issue aren't enforced strictly either. However, the other side of Italy’s history is often overlooked in discussions about Mussolini – its strong antifascist tradition. Italian resistance fighters (so-called Partigiani) were crucial in overthrowing the fascist regime, and their legacy continues in songs like Bella Ciao. These nuances reveal a contradictory national identity where lingering nostalgia for Mussolini exists alongside a deep-rooted anti-fascist tradition. |
In Istanbul, nearly 40 people died from bootleg liquor within 80 hoursYes, you read that right. Faced with escalating restrictions on alcohol, people in Türkiye are turning to bootleg (homemade) liquor. Over the weekend, 92 people have been hospitalised for bootleg alcohol poisoning, and at least 38 of them have died so far, with many others still in life-threatening conditions. While authorities have detained 15 suspects and charged four with "premeditated murder", the real cause lies within the system itself. For years, the Turkish government has increasingly restricted the production and consumption of alcohol, especially in more conservative and rural locations. Ostensibly justified on public health grounds, these measures are widely believed to have religious motivations. The demonisation of alcohol has been a key element of president Recep Tayyip Erdoğawinning 'divide and rule' strategy for 20 years. With it, he wants to divide society into two – the secular one and the teetotal Islamist one, where alcohol is shunned. | Yakup Can Yargıç
The cost of alcohol has skyrocketed: a 50cl beer now averages €2.32 in supermarkets, climbing to €5–6 in bars. The tax on Türkiye's national drink, rakı, has jumped by over 2,500% since 2010, an increase that the record-high inflation can't explain. Purchasing alcohol in markets after 22.00 is also forbidden. A dinner with rakı can now easily cost 25% of an average monthly salary when dining with friends. Despite this, demand for alcoholic beverages remains strong – unsurprisingly, given Anatolia and Thrace's regionally deep historical ties to alcohol. As the government continues to overlook this demand, illegal production has - as always - stepped in to fill the gap, culminating in a long-anticipated crisis. |
Why a Nubian temple is in SpainIt's 1968. Spanish dictator Francisco Franco is at the height of his power, Spain is in desperate need of friends abroad, and the wounds of a traumatic civil war have not yet healed. Then, a plane from Egypt arrives. It carries hundreds of marked stones, a set of building instructions, and an unwritten, yet clear message: "thank you". This is the story of the Debod Temple, a 2,200-year-old temple - which is considered Nubian because it was originally located in Lower Nubia, a region that straddles southern Egypt and northern Sudan - was donated by Egypt to Spain. It was a sign of gratitude for helping save 22 Ancient Egyptian monuments and buildings during the construction of the Aswan Dam in southern Egypt. Decades later, it has endured it all: droughts, abandonment, dismantling, displacement – but rain, experts now fear, could be the straw that breaks the camel's back. | Carlos Caselles
Italy and the Netherlands also received temples from Egypt for their assistance during the Nubia Campaign. They can be visited in Turin and Leiden, are of ancient Egyptian and Roman Egyptian style (respectively) and unlike Debod, which stands proudly in a park in Madrid, are kept indoors following Egypt's recommendation. |
Every day, our correspondents recommend one song to you. Today, Yakup Can Yargıç chose this one. We hope you enjoy! Haydi Gel İçelim Yüksek Sadakat Yüksek Sadakat’s song "Haydi Gel İçelim" (Come, Let's Drink) is more than just a drinking invitation. It’s a deep dive into existential themes like life’s meaninglessness, death and loneliness. The act of drinking is presented as an escape from these profound questions.
Listen on YoutubeListen on Spotify 〉Recommend a song for our next edition
The world is crazy, and it doesn't look like it's calming down anytime soon. One thing's for sure: We'll be right by your side, bringing you the stories that actually matter to European citizens. Julius E. O. FintelmannEditor-in-chief PS: Can you tell us what you think of today's edition of the newsletter? Every day, as a small reward for your feedback, we will show you a cute animal picture.
This newsletter was edited by Hannah Salih, the visual was created by Olga Alexandrova, and the executive producer was Klara Vlahcevic Lisinski.
|
|
|
|